What future does the ANC see for itself after the elections? Will it have two "wings" — one inside parliament and the other in the streets? This edited ANC discussion paper tries to answer a few questions. It was first published in the April/May edition of the progressive South African magazine Work In Progress.
What will the ANC look like after the April 27 elections? The movement has already agreed that it will not be dissolved — in fact, the ANC's national executive committee (NEC) has explicitly committed itself to strengthening the ANC after the elections.
The ANC will have to be reconstituted, however, in a way that harnesses its membership in the new conditions, where it is the dominant force in government.
But how will it work? Will there be two ANCs — one debating inside parliament, the other toyi-toying in the streets outside?
It's a question political parties around the world are grappling with, particularly those trying to maintain the dynamic contact between the popular masses and their elected representatives.
The question is really about accountability, mandates and the selection of candidates. And in the ANC's case, it's a question of how it keeps a strong link between those who go to parliament and the rest of the ANC.
Lost forever
ANC representatives going into parliament cannot be lost to the movement. They will need a viable means of contact with the people outside — and that means more than a report back meeting every five years, just before re-election time.
In particular, the ANC cannot afford to be reduced to the ANC in government. It cannot be swallowed up; it will have to maintain a degree of autonomy as an organisation.
It's also worth remembering experiences in the former Soviet Union, where the state and the party became one. This is an example the ANC must ensure it does not follow — it needs to develop an autonomous character as an extra-parliamentary organisation which is separate from the ANC in government, in a way that never happened with the CPSU or UNIP in Zambia.
The extra-parliamentary ANC
Outside parliament, the ANC will continue to be the leader of a broad range of social movements. It will have to help maintain unity among the forces of change — without undermining their right to differ — and help build their strength, so that they can play a decisive role in driving the reconstruction and democratisation process.
At the same time, the ANC will have to defend the mandate of a democratic government — bringing people onto the streets, if necessary, to stand by the government if it encounters opposition to its mandate.
This will add weight to the process of change, countering pressures from those resistant to transformation. It will be able to empower parliamentarians to continue with the reconstruction program.
Structural problems
For this to happen, though, there needs to be clarity on the constitutional status of the ANC after April 27.
- ANC MPs and cabinet ministers will probably enjoy greater prominence than ordinary ANC NEC members who are not in parliament. But they will have to remember that the NEC remains the leading structure within the ANC, and is the leading policy-making structure outside of conferences. It speaks on behalf of the ANC.
- The ANC will also have to clarify where MPs fit into the broad organisation plan. They will need specific organisational tasks, either within the regions which elected them or within a broad national framework.
This will keep MPs in touch with problems at all levels of society — something which will be particularly important once the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) gets off the ground. The RDP carries the danger that it may only benefit organised sectors such as the working class. Rural and landless people are not organised, nor are the homeless, and MPs need to be in touch with these sectors.
In addition, MPs can help to build contact between government ministries and the people on the ground.
subh = Building the ANC
It's likely that a high degree of fatigue will set in after the elections. And this is going to be hard to break if the democratic movement does not have clear programs of action for its members.
The masses will need to see their own power as central to the process of democratisation. Electing people to parliament is one way of ensuring the people benefit, that representatives act on their behalf in the highest organs of the state. But in addition, the people have to be organised in their own territory, on the ground, to improve conditions — with or without the assistance of a future parliament.
But how should the ANC approach this? Should it carry on trying to recruit more and more members?
Membership is only a source of strength if it is organised. It is not a source of strength if it is a statistic. What this means is that the ANC will have to go through a period of consolidation, building and rebuilding.
It should not try to acquire thousands more members for the sake of numbers; its membership needs to be firmly anchored in our communities, and its branches and regions need to be connected to the broader democratic movement.
The ANC in parliament
The present parliament has acquired a reputation for corruption — a gravy train, clearly identified with anti-popular measures. It is essential that elected ANC representatives do not uncritically adopt the normal qualities of parliamentarians. In particular, while parliamentary service is going to be one of the highest forms of public service, it is important that our leadership retains the kind of links which have distinguished us from all other organisations in this country.
- Perks: We need to look at the material benefits enjoyed by those in parliament. The ANC is the party of the poor, and it is essential that its MPs are in the forefront of ensuring that the gravy train element in parliament is removed. They will have to take active steps to remove any perks which are not vital for the performance of their jobs.
This means a reduction in salaries, for a start.
If the ANC is to remain a people's organisation, it's essential that their lifestyles are not seen as alien to their followers — that is, that they don't adopt ostentatious, lavish lifestyles.
At the same time, MPs should not be placed in the situation where they earn more than people who continue to work full time for the ANC at ANC salary levels.
In principle, the ANC should probably adopt the approach taken by alliance negotiators at the World Trade Centre and the TEC, who paid surplus earnings to their organisations (for example SANCO [SA National Civic Organisation] and the SACP [SA Communist Party]).
- Accountability: The proportional representative system creates special difficulties with accountability and report backs. MPs will be able to report back to their regions — but this isn't accountability to the public in general, so the ANC will have to develop special mechanisms to ensure regular report backs.
- Discipline: What happens if the ANC representatives in parliament deviate from ANC policy? Firstly, we should not forget that all the people elected on the ANC lists are there as representatives of the ANC — regardless of any other organisational affiliations, or any private thoughts they might have on ANC policy.
If matters are still in debate, members are obviously free to contribute towards formulating policy — and this includes differing among themselves, in public.
But if MPs have private reservations about aspects of established ANC policy, these should be raised firstly within the ANC's constitutional structures and then within the ANC caucus in parliament.
Where an individual MP openly and flagrantly deviates from policy in a serious way, it's within the movement's rights to call on that person to resign and be replaced by the next person on the list.