Paris-based anticapitalist activist and Green Left contributor John Mullen spoke to German publication Marx21 on July 12 about the July 7 French election result and the immediate challenges for the left.
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Although the fascists were prevented from getting a majority in the parliamentary elections, Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN) still managed to win many more seats than ever before. How do you rate the election result?
It is an important, short-term victory for working people and for the left. Four parties of the left — La France Insoumise (France in Revolt, FI), the Socialist Party (PS), the Greens and the Communist Party (PCF) — united into the Nouveau Front Populaire (NFP). They stopped the establishment of a fascist government, which was highly probable. Millions of people in the country, especially Muslims, lesbians and gays, are losing less sleep this week.
Even more important than the result is the way it was achieved. We saw the most dynamic election campaign for at least 40 years, on a radical program. Tens of thousands of new activists joined the FI, and many thousands joined other left organisations. Trade unions, charities, academic associations, university councils, singers, artists, scientists, publishers and athletes all got involved. There were hundreds of demonstrations, and innumerable other events. Keeping this mass of people organised and mobilised is one of the key tasks of the coming months.
In parliament, the far right is stronger than it has ever been, and whole sections of the traditional right are considering working with them. Bosses have been rushing to meet with [Le Pen] and get in her good books in case the RN takes over.
So the fascist danger is far from over. But the movement that pushed it back could do much more, encouraged by this initial victory.
Will FI leader Jean Luc Mélenchon now become Prime Minister and what would that mean from your perspective?
One of the signs of a deep crisis is the long delay in the appointment of a Prime Minister. Traditionally, the president appoints a PM from the parliamentary group with the most seats. Macron has so far refused to do this. In a “letter to the French people” released on July 10 he explains that he wants a coalition between Macronists, the right and sections of the “soft” left. It is not at all certain he has the numbers necessary, and his own group of Macronite MPs is in the process of splintering. Mélenchon has denounced Macron’s attempt at “a return to a royal right of veto over the decisions of universal suffrage”.
Meanwhile, the left alliance is negotiating to decide on whose name to propose as PM. The problem is a new one and there is no generally accepted method. The FI, as the biggest component of the alliance (74 MPs), feels it is fair that it should be an FI person. The PS (59 MPs) and the Greens (28) do not agree that it should be an FI person. But they would no doubt accept FI ministers in other key posts. For Mélenchon specifically, his solid positions on Palestine; and that he represents an open-ended radical break with the status quo — have meant he is the victim of endless smear campaigns. Sections of the PS and the Greens have cheerfully supported these. It is therefore most unlikely that he will be proposed as PM.
The NFP’s election campaign was carried by a strong dynamic and there were large anti-fascist mobilisations. How do you describe the current mood in the country and do you expect the wave of protests to continue?
There has indeed been more anti-fascist activity this last month than in the previous five years and there was no real distinction between an anti-fascist mobilisation and a campaign to vote for the radical program of the united left. That includes 150 reforms — including stopping arming Israel, raising wages and benefits, and reigning in violent police.
Right now, there are calls to set up vigilance committees or other kinds of open NFP committees in every town. Several places have already done this. A march on Matignon (the PM’s residence) if Macron refuses to appoint a left PM has also been suggested.
The leader of the biggest of the combative trade union federation — the CGT — insisted Macron must “respect the result at the polls and appoint a new government around the program of the NFP”. The CGT railway workers federation has called for rallies in front of parliament and in front of all regional government HQs (préfectures) on July 18, the day parliament reopens. ATTAC and other organisations support the call. [See photo.]
Meanwhile, seven of the eight major trade unions signed a declaration demanding progress for wages and conditions, and in particular the withdrawal of a recent vicious attack on unemployment benefits.
It is impossible to know how big the protests will be in July. In any case, the present political crisis will last many months. The French Constitution forbids repeat parliamentary elections in the next 12 months, even if the president resigns and a new president is elected.
France is now facing a difficult time forming a government. What are the options and how likely do you think they are?
There could be a minority left government. Without passing any new legislation, several of the key measures of the NFP program could be implemented (raising the minimum wage and public sector wages, disbanding the most violent police units etc).
An NFP government could present in parliament, say, a law to reverse the vicious attacks on retirement pensions which went through last year. Those attacks remain overwhelmingly unpopular in the entire population and parties would be obliged to publicly support or oppose. The RN pretended to oppose the attacks on pensions and would be particularly under pressure.
If there is a minority left government, mass mobilisation would be crucial. Indeed, in general, the more parliament is paralysed, the more mass action is important.
The second option is that there could be a (disastrous) “national unity” coalition, bringing together Macronites, right-wingers and those of the left who could be tempted, or bribed by important jobs. This would probably not have an overall majority. If it lasted it would lead to deep disappointment, and no doubt a far-right government at the next elections.
Finally, it is possible for Macron to appoint bourgeois experts to govern the country. In Italy they at one point chose the director of the national bank. Such a government would not be on the side of working people.
In every one of these scenarios, resistance from the workers’ movement and on the streets is the central element.
The parliamentary elections were a setback for the RN. Nevertheless, the strategy of “normalisation” seems to be working. How strong is the RN?
The RN has been very successful in persuading people that it has left its fascist past behind it. Last year they were even accepted at a demonstration against antisemitism, and they have declared their aim is to defend Jews against left antisemitism! In recent weeks, however, the anti-fascist mobilisation was able to put on the front pages lists of RN MPs who had made racist or antisemitic declarations, and a couple of RN candidates were sacked for this (one of them had been photographed wearing a Nazi cap).
The RN have been helped by the lack of general understanding on the left that fighting for working-class demands and presenting a left alternative is only part of what is needed to push back the fascists. A national mass, long-term campaign of education and harassment, specifically aimed at the RN, is necessary.
For the moment, the RN is immeasurably stronger inside parliament than outside. With up to 13 million votes in some elections, it is nevertheless incapable of organising mass demonstrations on the streets. In very many towns it possesses almost no party structure. We need to make it impossible for it to build one.
Any final comments?
The capitalists’ way of governing France no longer works. The traditional right and traditional left parties have massively reduced their social base after ruling over neo-liberal governments which ruined many workers’ lives. Now Macronism, the “radical centre” has lost the elections and is much weakened.
More and more, the choice is between fascism and the radical left. The election campaign and the idea that it is possible to raise wages, retire younger, tax the rich and rebuild public services has inspired millions. In the medium term, the most important battles will be fought outside parliament, but right now, pushing for a NPF government which institutes urgent measures to reduce misery and oppression is the essential next step.
[Abridged from the English translation, published by theleftberlin.com. John Mullen is an anticapitalist activist living in Paris and a supporter of France Insoumise. Visit his blog at: randombolshevik.org.]