The article published below is by Hisila Yami, a leading figure in the United Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN-M). Yami is the author of People's War and Women's Liberation in Nepal. This article is abridged from eKantipur.com.
After a decade-long Maoist-led armed struggle against Nepal's feudal monarchy, combined with a popular uprising, elections for a constituent assembly were held last year in which the Maoists won the most seats. The assembly declared Nepal a republic.
However, the UCPN-M resigned in May from the coalition government it led after the military chiefs in the old royalist army defied the civilian government and refused to implement key parts of the peace accords. In November, the UCPN-M launched a new "people's movement" for democracy and civilian rule.
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What started as protests against military supremacy has led to a focus on support for civilian supremacy. The retirement of Rookmangud Katawal, the ex-military chief and the main person who triggered the present crisis, has shifted the focus of the UCPN-M.
The Maoist party has shifted its attention from Katawal's actions in May to the unconstitutional moves of the president from the right-wing Nepali Congress (NC), who in overruled the then-prime minister and Maoist leader Prachanda, when Prachanda sacked Katawal. The UCPN-M wants this order tabled for discussion in the assembly.
However, this shift has not led to any consensus between the Maoists and the coalition of parties now in government.
At present, both hands of the Maoists are filled with agendas. The right hand represents civil supremacy, making a constitution for a "people's republic", adhering to the peace agreement that ended the armed struggle, safeguarding nationhood and securing a national coalition government.
The left hand represents upholding class, ethnic, regional, gender and Dalit (lowest caste) issues.
In contrast, the governing mainstream parties have no agenda except to stay in power by hook or crook. They are shamelessly alleging that the Maoists are using civil supremacy as a ploy to capture state power.
They forget that the Maoists resigned from government of their own volition on moral grounds.
Among all the above agendas, civil supremacy stands tall. It is only on this footing that the other issues can advance and become institutionalised, leading to democracy, peace and stability.
To this end, the United National People's Movement (UNPM), a united front initiated by UCPN-M, called a range of protests spanning 13 days.
It started with a warm-up of torch rallies throughout the country on November 1. This was followed by a gherao (blockade) of the offices of 58 municipalities and nearly 4000 village development committees across the country on November 2.
Then came a gherao of the district administration offices in all the 75 districts on November 4 and 5. This was followed by a blockade of six entry points to the capital, Kathmandu, on November 10.
The climax of the series of protests was the encirclement of Singha Durbar, where the government secretariat is seated, at eight points for two days on November 12 and 13.
For 13 days, the protests paralysed the whole functioning of the government.
The success lies in the fact that it mobilised all sections of society. Cultural groups from many communities gave a true festive mood to the whole movement.
Senior Maoist leaders, including Prachanda and UCPN-M president Baburam Bhattarai, were on the streets from dawn to dusk, cheering and helping lead the people and cadres.
The speeches focusing on civilian supremacy could not but have influenced the civil police, as they are very aware of the effect that democratisation of the military has had on their own relationship with it.
Speakers tried to win their support by reminding them of their class, ethnic, regional and gender fraternity. There were very few skirmishes with the police.
The movement embodies the strength of civilians, the strength of street protests, the strength of a legal struggle, the power of the collective people, the power of a disciplined mass and the power of peaceful protest.
Another hallmark of the movement is it tried to prevent inconvenience to the people as much as possible. On the other hand, the movement tried to harass and embarrass the government as much as possible.
The ministers' last-minute, face-saving attempt to enter Singha Durbar at dawn exposed them further. It seemed it was the government that was underground and illegal. If the parties in government had any sense of dignity, responsibility or maturity, they would have resigned by now.
The Maoists are not only working for restructuring the state but also for inclusive and proportional representation for all oppressed nationalities, classes, regions and dalits in the entire state functioning.
It is important to note that the Maoists do what they say; and should they make a mistake, they apologise and try to rectify it. During the war, they were damn serious about the war; and during peacetime, they are damn serious about the peace process.
During the war, the Maoists upheld ideological supremacy over military supremacy; and now during peacetime, they are upholding civilian supremacy over military supremacy.
The problem for the NC, in the governing coalition, is that it is not upholding its own agendas, such as civilian supremacy, rule of law, legislative supremacy, constitutional supremacy, commitment to the peace agreement and respect for the voters' verdict.
And the problem with the Communist Party of Nepal-United-Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), which leads the coalition government, is that it is following the path of Nepali Congress.
The problem lies not with the Maoists but with the NC and its stooge the CPN-UML, who have not been fulfilled the roles demanded of them to advance the country.
Therefore, they are to be blamed if a third and more intense round of protests is launched after November 20, the deadline given to the government to reach a national consensus to solve the present crisis and open the way to democracy, stability and peace in Nepal.