Editorial: New bottles, old poison
New bottles, old poison
NSW ALP "left" Anthony Albanese had predicted "intense debate and a few old-style Labor stoushes" at the 41st ALP national conference in Hobart. Nothing could be further from the truth. With nothing much to report from the four days, the big business media focused on the sole story it knew would sell papers — Cheryl Kernot.
While important issues were on the conference agenda — taxation, trade and human rights, uranium mining and Badgerys Creek airport — the line had been settled ahead of time in factional deals.
A good example of the slick anti-democratic nature of the conference was the party's new uranium mining policy, itself a sleight of hand. The new policy, which will allow all the new mines set up by the Coalition to continue, but disallow any further mines under a Labor government, was passed in a record 20 minutes — without a formal vote.
According to resources and energy spokesperson Stephen Smith, the policy was designed to give certainty to resource investors and address concerns about uranium mining. The "debate" consisted of three speakers — a deal worked out by the factions. Only Jean McLean from Victoria opposed the new policy and called on Labor to oppose all uranium mining and export.
Labor's slick, stage-managed meeting meant the only formal vote was on the composition of the national executive, again predetermined by the factions.
That the draft platform was short on specifics but contained a liberal sprinkling of buzz words (such as "security and opportunity") was no secret. Kim Beazley said as much in the January Labor Times, where he also confidently predicted that the substance of the platform would pass the conference unscathed.
While vowing not to introduce a GST, further privatise Telstra or continue the Coalition's union-busting industrial relations "reforms", Labor remained vague about how it would reduce unemployment, change the income and indirect tax mix, link trade and human rights, rescue nursing homes and child-care, and fix the rural crisis.
Another of Labor's new catchphrases — "reciprocal obligation" — borrows directly from Blair Labour. It is an attempt to repackage the notion of individual responsibility, user-pays and the privatisation ethos of economic rationalism.
Reciprocal obligation is now being pushed across the board, from industry policy to social welfare. Examples include "volunteering" which is promoted by Beazley as a solution for middle-aged victims of economic restructuring. In social welfare and education policy, young people and the unemployed must surrender time, money or control over their lives for the privilege of education and social security.
Aside from the threat to "icon" Barry Jones' position as president, the only other contentious issue was the resolution on native title, which was eventually settled by the factions behind closed doors.
With Queensland premier Rob Borbidge having launched a native title scare campaign in the state election, Queensland ALP leader Peter Beattie supported the resolution against Howard's Wik bill with the proviso that further pro-mining industry amendments would be made.
Labor used the opportunity to begin to woo back big business. Executives of some of the largest companies and business organisations paid $3000 to attend and receive regular briefings from the ALP elite — and to lobby for their interests.
At an exclusive dinner, more than 50 representatives of corporate Australia were briefed by Beazley on one of their key interests — removal of indirect taxes on business. Sales taxes have been used as one of business groups' main arguments for a GST and they welcomed the change, seeing it as the first step for Labor to accept a GST without saying so openly.