Protests continue throughout Indonesia
MAX LANE is national coordinator of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor (ASIET). Lane has been in constant contact with activists from the radical People's Democratic Party (PRD), who are monitoring the spread of protests there. Lane told Green Left Weekly about recent developments.
The riots in Aceh first hit the industrial centre of Lhokseumawahe, where a huge Japanese-owned liquid natural gas plant is located. This massive project has made the town a major centre.
The unrest was sparked when high school students, still in uniform, stoned Kopassus elite troops as they were withdrawing from Aceh on August 31. More youth gathered. They then attacked government offices, including the offices of the ruling Golkar party. About 2000 people were directly involved.
Kopassus and the military had suffered the humiliation of the armed forces chief, General Wiranto, publicly apologising to the people of Aceh for atrocities committed against them.
Question: Was there a political focus to the rioting?
The north Sumatra newspapers drew attention to the fact that people were not chanting "reformasi", as they did in Jakarta and other cities. Rather the chant was either "Free Aceh" or "God is great".
On the second day of rioting, there was looting of shops. It seems the looted goods were simply burned. There was also a prison break from the main jail. About 140 prisoners escaped, although about 60 voluntarily returned.
Question: Did the riots have an anti-Chinese element?
It's hard to tell. Indonesian Chinese in Lhokseumawahe would have had their shops hit. But so far, there are no reports of anti-Chinese slogans or attacks on specifically Chinese targets. These riots seem to be more an expression of protest against the Jakarta regime and its hold on Aceh.
Question: What has been the reaction of the military?
According to the local police chief, there were only 70 military personnel in Lhokseumawahe at the time and he had to appeal for reinforcements. Troops fired on protesters. It seems that one youth was shot dead on August 31, and two more the next day. General Wiranto has used the incident as a pretext for cancelling their the Kopassus' withdrawal from Aceh.
Question: Have their been protests in other parts of Indonesia?
More than a thousand people attacked rice mills in Bojonegoro, a major Javanese town. There have been attacks by groups of more than 100 on food shops in several other towns in central and east Java.
The biggest riot was in the city of Cilacap on August 28. Cilacap is on the south coast of Java and is a major port. Thousands of fishermen attacked and burned at least 10 fishing trawlers from another port. About 120 fishing nets were also destroyed.
The local fishermen were protesting against port authorities allegedly taking bribes from trawler owners. This has resulted in more than 100 boats above the quota. On top of this intense competition for dwindling fish stocks, fishermen are only earning about Rp2000 per day — about 20 Australian cents.
The fishermen's actions were reported widely throughout the country, with dramatic pictures of the fires appearing on the front page of most newspapers.
On August 29, more rioting broke out. This time it mainly involved the looting of shops. According to local officials and newspaper reports, shops selling fishing equipment were singled out.
Question: Is this unrest likely to continue?
It seems likely. There are reports of more increases in the price of rice. This is despite emergency aid and loans from various sources. The imbalance in the availability of rice between the different islands, and smuggling of rice to Malaysia and Thailand where prices are higher, has increased prices in Indonesia.
There are increasing protests demanding a reduction in price of basic commodities, especially rice, flour, sugar, cooking oil and kerosene.
Question: How organised are these protests?
Generally, they are uncoordinated. The three new political parties that have been given a high profile in the media have not involved themselves in grassroots protest action.
This is true for Amien Rais' National Mandate Party, the traditionalist Muslim National Arising Party and even Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-Struggle), though some of its branches have been active independently.
There is no nationally organised campaign committee. People are organising local action groups, or just acting spontaneously.
Question: How is the People's Democratic Party responding?
The PRD, in its leaflets and in its new fortnightly newspaper, Liberation, is calling on the people to form people's liberation committees to coordinate their protests. The PRD sees these committees as embryonic popular representative institutions.
The PRD's reach is still limited. The media are blocking coverage of its activities and its policies.
Question: Has there been a response to the PRD's call?
There has been a significant response in Lampung in South Sumatra. Lampung is where university students earlier this year defied the military order for them not to leave the campus grounds. Many were injured.
Their actions inspired students throughout Indonesia to launch a wave of protests, culminating in the May mobilisations which forced Suharto to resign.
A broad grouping of activists, students, farmers and others has just formed the Lampung People's Council (DRL). The DRL is based on the radicalised students from the Lampung campuses as well as people from more than 30 "poskos".
Poskos, or command posts, are local action committees that have emerged to spearhead campaigns around local grievances. Around Lampung, the grievances are often over land.
As well as activists inspired by PRD-style politics, militant elements from PDI-Struggle and the small pro-democracy party of Sri Bintang Pamungkas, PUDI, have been involved. The local Legal Aid Institute is also involved.
On August 24, the DRL organised its first major activity. About 2500 people, in 40 trucks, four buses and scores of smaller vehicles mobilised in Lampung city. All 60 posko areas of the district around the city were represented. Many farmers were present, as well as city people. Village women brought their children.
Demands included lower prices for basic commodities, the return of seized lands, the repeal of repressive political laws, the rejection of Habibie and that Suharto be put on trial.
The people demonstrated outside the governor's office and later occupied the ground floor of the provincial parliament. The upper floors were blockaded by riot police. Because the governor was not present, the demonstrators stayed overnight in the parliament grounds. One highlight was the speech by the playwright and political critic, Ratna Sarumpaet. She called for the disbanding of Golkar.
The DRL seems to have inherited the political authority of the anti-Suharto movement at the beginning of this year. The student actions in February were accompanied by public transports strikes and high school mobilisations. A lot of activists see Lampung as a revolutionary site.
When DRL leaders were able to meet with officials in the governor's office, the provincial government signed a formal agreement to set up teams to investigate and end various land disputes.
The joint DRL-provincial government committees set up have DRL majorities. These committees do not have real power, but they provide a platform and enhance the authority of the DRL.
On September 2, after a meeting of the joint committees, the secretary general of the DRL, Idhan Januwardana, called for the people to unite and to seize any land taken from them. This call was reported widely in the local media.