By Eva Cheng
Since March 11, two of South Korea's six postwar presidents, Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, have been on trial on mutiny and sedition charges. Under sharp focus is their role in the brutal massacre of thousands (officially 191) civilians, primarily students, in the southern city of Kwangju in May 1980, which ended a popular uprising.
The two were arrested earlier for accepting political bribes. Roh admitted to controlling a political slush fund of US$650 million, of which he pocketed $221 million, but Chun, who was accused of raising slush funds of close to $1 billion (including $287 million bribe money from 43 big firms), denied the charges, saying he accepted only "customary political donations".
A general, Chun came to power in 1980 through a military coup. When the people demonstrated to oppose him, he ordered suppression. The bloodiest battle took place in Kwangju where demonstrators took over the city for a number of days. With full endorsement by the US, which controlled the South Korean army, troops were sent in, killing thousands. In 1988, Chun handed power to Roh, another general and an accomplice in the Kwangju massacre, who ruled until 1993.
Current President Kim Young-sam, a liberal politician who was elected to the presidency in 1993 after 30 years in opposition, has also been accused in the scandal, in particular for having received illicit funds from Roh. No formal charges have been laid against him.
The scandal started in August, but initially the accuser, who was then a minister, was forced to resign. Formal charges against Chun and Roh came much later, only after persistent protests around the country, including a demonstration of 10,000 in November in Seoul which Kim sent riot police to suppress.
Though at one time in tactical alliance with Kim against successive dictatorships, South Korea's popular movements — with a distinct working-class base and socialist leadership — have long recognised the limitations of Kim's pro-capitalist agenda.
That assessment was powerfully confirmed when Kim merged his New Korea Democratic Party with Roh's ruling party in early 1990 to form the new ruling Democratic Liberal Party. Despite his being South Korea's first non-military president since 1961, Kim's policies serve fundamentally the same social interests as his predecessors', that of the big business conglomerates — chaebols.
His servile collaboration with the US and Japan, the two imperialist powers which dominated Korea — politically and economically — throughout this century casts doubt on the extent to which he would allow the ongoing trials to draw out the crucial issues in the Kwangju affairs, particularly the role of the US in Korea.
Despite Washington denials, State Department and defence intelligence cables declassified last month revealed explicit US backing for the Kwangju massacre. Current Secretary of State Warren Christopher, then working under President Jimmy Carter, cabled in reply to the then US ambassador in Seoul, William Gleysteen, that Washington agreed not to oppose Chun's plans ("if absolutely necessary, by reinforcing the police with the army") "to maintain law and order".
Days after the massacre, Carter approved concessional credits of $600 million to Chun. A few months later, the newly elected President Ronald Reagan invited Chun to Washington and pledged to sell another $1 billion worth of advanced military equipment on top of previous sales and aid.
Much earlier, Washington engineered the division of Korea into two parts in 1948 after crushing a popular government which was formed after Japan, its colonial master since 1910, was defeated in 1945. A strong Communist-led resistance movement grew under Japan's rule. In the name of countering the Soviet threat, Washington threw Korea into war between 1950 and 1953, resulting in the death of more than 3 million civilians.
Syngman Rhee, put into power by the US after the partition, presided over a dictatorship which was overthrown in 1960 by a student-led movement. Replacement Chang Myon was ousted by Park Chung Hee through a coup after 10 months in power. Like Rhee, Park ruled South Korea by force until he was assassinated in 1979.
In spite of Park's repressive rule, the opposition movements found roots in more sectors, including workers and farmers who came to rebel against harsh working conditions and pitiful wages under the dictator's export-oriented industrialisation push. Though it was illegal to do so, they struck and protested to defend their positions, with a remarkable degree of organisation. The Kwangju uprising took place in this context, as part of a nation wide mobilisation in early 1980 against Chun's illegal takeover.
One of the biggest actions took place on May 15 in Seoul, involving 100,000 students, which called for an end to martial law and for Chun to resign. In response, Chun expanded martial law, closed down universities, banned strikes and political activities, dissolved the National Assembly and sent troops to all major cities. Outraged, more students and workers mobilised.
Indiscriminate killing of demonstrators in Kwangju on May 18 had drawn more into action. Further brutality followed, and the whole city was mobilised. Students burned TV and radio stations which followed Chun's orders not to report the struggle.
Weapons were seized from abandoned police stations and key buildings were occupied by the demonstrators. Troops retreated out of the city for a time and a citizens' committee was formed to maintain order. But troops swarmed back on May 27 in a sudden assault and regained control, killing hundreds more.
Washington has never stopped its economic and military backing of the South Korean regimes, despite conflicts over trade. The US forced South Korea to open itself up to US products — especially farm produce — which destroyed many farm sectors. The US continues to station troops in South Korea, in some 40 bases, armed with nuclear weapons, and is still in command of the South Korean military.