SRI LANKA: 'Peace process' on track

August 14, 2002
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A ceasefire between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the organisation fighting for the national self-determination of the Tamil people in the island's north and east, has lasted almost six months. According to Sri Lanka's Sunday Observer on August 4, “the transfer of [government] troops from civilian installations in the north-east has gone according to schedule and a better understanding [has been] achieved with the LTTE ... [which has] brought the peace process a stage closer to fully fledged political negotiations”. These talks may begin in September.

ANA PARARAJASINGHAM is secretary of the Australasian Federation of Tamil Associations. Action in Solidarity with Asia and the Pacific's IGGY KIM spoke to him about the peace process.

What are the factors that have led to the latest “peace process”?

The circumstances can be summarised as follows:
 

  • the realisation by the Sri Lankan government that a military solution to the Tamil problem is not possible — particularly after the daring attack in July 2001 by the LTTE, which destroyed Sri Lanka's ability to conduct aerial attacks, the recapture of large chunks of territory by the LTTE and the fall of huge military complexes like Elephant Pass during 2000-2001;
  • the dire state the Sri Lankan economy has sunk into as a result of the resources being diverted to the war effort; and
  • the majority Sinhala population's war-weariness — the people of the south are fed up with the military check points, the constant fear of attacks and have realised that, despite the propaganda, government troops were making little progress in imposing a military solution.
How does the current process compare to previous attempts, such as the failed talks in 1995?

During previous talks, the Sri Lankan government failed to reciprocate the LTTE's nomination of its senior members as its representatives. The current administration has sought to appoint responsible members to communicate its views. It has removed the ban on food and medicine supplies reaching the north and most importantly there is a third party [Norway] in a mediating role, which is an important development given the mutual mistrust between the parties.

Most importantly there is a document, the cease-fire agreement, signed by both parties which implicitly recognises both as equals.

What was behind the United National Front's (UNF) electoral victory last December?

The dissatisfaction with the People's Alliance government's failure to improve economic conditions, its failure to resolve the Tamil conflict despite outrageous claims that a military solution was within its grasp and the realisation that the war cannot be won. The regime of President Chandrika Kumaratunga had lost its credibility in the eyes of the Tamil people and hence its capacity to bring about a negotiated peace.

Who are the main players in the new UNF coalition government?

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is the main player. The UNF is largely a party of the southern Sinhalese elite committed to the free enterprise/capitalist system. Like the People's Alliance, the party is lead by scions of the families to whom power was transferred by the British in 1948. They are engaged in the peace process because they are realists who understand that a military solution is impossible and persistence with such an unrealistic goal can only make matters worse for the ruling class.

Can you detail the impact that September 11 has had on the Tamil struggle?

The Sinhalese media and establishment make out that the Tamils were persuaded to enter talks because of the post-September 11 climate. In fact, the Tamils have been calling for a negotiated peace long before this and Norway was already involved in this process. September 11 has had little impact in that sense.

Can you sum up the government's violations of the ceasefire agreement since February?

The Sri Lankan government has failed to fully implement its undertakings in the cease-fire agreement. While it has fulfilled part of its bargain, it has failed to withdraw all of its troops from specified public places of worship and schools.

How grave is the threat to peace posed by President Kumaratunga and her Sri Lanka Freedom Party?

The president possesses enormous power, including the power to dissolve parliament. Kumaratunga is the supreme commander of the armed forces and is opposed to peace. She is hoping to consolidate her power by appealing to hardliners within Sinhala society and is being assisted by some powerful establishment media. Kumaratunga is capable of wrecking the peace process. Let's not forget that her strategy has been “peace through war”.

Do you think Prime Minister Wickremesinghe will be able to settle the protracted row with the president and allow the peace process to continue?

One can only hope. Given that the LTTE's military capabilities are intact and Sri Lanka's economy cannot afford the military expenditure, Wickremesinghe needs to pursue this approach. If the president proves intractable, a new election could give the UNF the two-thirds majority needed to impeach the president and call new presidential elections.

What will happen if the peace process stalls? What are the alternatives?

The alternative is war, death and suffering. The international community must:

  • support the peace initiative of Norway; and
  • support a just peace based on the Tamil nation's right to a homeland and self-determination.
[Ana Pararajasingham addressed Sydney Action in Solidarity with Asia and the Pacific's monthly forum on August 8. For more information about ASAP, visit < http://www.asia-pacific-action.org> or call 0412 139 968.]

From Green Left Weekly, August 14, 2002.
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