BY MICHAEL LEBOWITZ
"Nationalise the banks!", "Take over enterprises that have shutdown and run them instead by workers!", "Refuse to pay the external debt and use the funds to create jobs!", "Reduce the work week to 36 hours!", "Create new enterprises under workers' control!" — these were some of the demands which were enthusiastically endorsed by delegates to the first national congress of the National Union of Workers (UNETE) of Venezuela on August 1-2.
After years of support for neoliberalism by the right-wing, Accion Democratica-dominated Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV) — which culminated in the CTV's involvement in the quickly overturned April 2002 coup against President Hugo Chavez and its support for the business federation's (Fedecamaras) December-January "general lock-out" — UNETE was founded in April to provide a voice and instrument for Venezuela's working people.
This first congress brought together more than 1300 registered participants, representing more than 120 trade unions and 25 regional federations, to determine the new federation's internal statutes, election mechanisms, code of ethics, basic principles and action program.
The greatest degree of agreement and level of passion was expressed over UNETE's principles and action plan. From the workshop on principles came the clear call for the transformation of "capitalist society into a self-managing society", and for a "new model of anti-capitalist and autonomous development that emancipates human beings from class exploitation, oppression, discrimination and exclusion".
The declaration for an autonomous, democratic, solidaristic and internationalist, classist, independent, unitary (representing the whole working class) movement, with equality for men and women, was cheered by all those present at the plenary session. As occurred at a number of points, the chant emerged: "The working class united will never be defeated!"
While participants were unequivocal in their support for many initiatives of the Chavez government (the literacy program, the introduction of Cuban doctors into poor neighbourhoods, housing construction, the law suspending lay-offs and the rejection of the Free Trade Area of the Americas), their positions on nationalising the banks, repudiating the external debt and reducing work hours, among other positions, went far beyond the current positions of the government.
Independence
Further, UNETE's independence was demonstrated by its strong positions against specific government ministries: demanding that inspectors who are anti-worker be removed by the ministry of labour, criticising the minister of health and calling for the declaration of a national health emergency, and calling for reforms within the state itself (to "create the revolution within the revolution").
However, there was less agreement with respect to internal statutes and electoral procedures. For some, the statutes were far too like those of the CTV, an organisation infamous for its lack of internal democracy and corruption. Here, where there was much potential for division over matters such as recall procedures, electoral regulations, term limits, asset declarations, proportional representation and distribution of dues, an important decision was made — to go back to the individual unions for full discussion of the issues.
Since these matters are critical in providing the basis for, among other things, the finance to carry out the struggle, it was decided that a national assembly of UNETE would be convened within two months to resolve these matters. The first national congress of UNETE concluded with a declaration condemning the US invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as its Plan Colombia, which targets the liberation movement in Colombia under the guise of the "wars" on drugs and terrorism. Hasta la victoria siempre, Che Guevara's motto, could be heard here and at other points in the proceedings.
Working-class unity
The UNETE congress was an important step in turning away from what minister of labour Maria Cristina Iglesias has called "the evil axis" of Fedecamaras and CTV. But it was not a complete success. In the days before the congress, UNETE's temporary 21-member steering committee decided that the Unitary Confederation of Workers (CUTV), an affiliate of the World Federation of Trade Unions, which had been involved in the creation of UNETE, could not integrate with its regional organisations. As a result, many of its militants stayed away from the congress.
A conspicuous absence was Ramon Machuca, an influential leader of the steelworkers' union (SUDISS), who had departed from early UNETE discussions, citing the need for more work at the movement's base and the creation of workers' constituent assemblies around the country. Participants from the most pro-Chavist element in UNETE, the Bolivarian Forces of Workers (FBT) argued the real issue was Machuca's desire to be leader of the new federation.
The most conspicuous absence was that of Chavez himself. Invited to close the congress, Chavez was expected by the organisers to crown the new organisation with his presence. Not only did he not appear, but neither did the vice-president or the minister of labour take his place.
The following day's Alo Presidente (Chavez's weekly radio and TV talkback program) suggested there may have been more to Chavez's absence. Along with calling attention to the UNETE Congress, Chavez made a point of congratulating Machuca ("a friend") on his re-election as SUDISS leader (gaining 63% of the votes against a strong right-wing challenge). It seemed a clear signal that what he believes is necessary is "the working class united" and that the UNETE congress should be seen as only a step in that process.
Far more would be necessary to unite the working class, though, than simply bringing UNETE, the CUTV, Machuca's forces and the unions still affiliated to the CTV (or to nothing at all) together — a process which might be best accomplished through joint action (for example, by uniting in support of workers occupying enterprises which owners are attempting to shut down). Only 12% of the working class in Venezuela's formal sector is organised by these trade unions; outside are vast numbers of poor people for whom the Chavez government is the first with which they have been able to identify with.
Although UNETE's commitment to the working class as a whole was underlined by its emphasis upon the creation of committees of the unemployed and support for the granting of food stamps for pensioners and the unemployed, the question remains: what precisely is to be the relationship between workers in the formal employment sector and the roughly 50% in the informal sector; between organised trade unionists and the broad masses who are organising in local communities? Bringing these forces together would seem to be a priority if the working class is not to be defeated.
[Michael Lebowitz is professor emeritus, economics department, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada.]
From Green Left Weekly, August 20, 2003.
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