By Barry Sheppard
CHICAGO — The founding convention of the Committees of Correspondence (CoC) held here over July 23-24, reflected and registered the progress — and lack of it — the organisation has made in the two years since the Berkeley conference publicly launched the CoCs as a new force on the American left.
The 1992 Berkeley conference, which drew some 2000 participants, was initiated by a substantial section of people who had split from the Communist Party following the collapse of the former Soviet Union. In rejecting the sectarianism of the old CP, these comrades encouraged all on the left to join the CoCs to build a broad socialist movement in the US that would transcend the old divisions through democratic and fraternal discussion and a tolerance of differing views.
The spirit of the Berkeley conference was upbeat and hopeful. However, the momentum was dissipated when the interim leadership failed to project the CoCs publicly as a new centre of regroupment that could draw in the thousands across the country attracted to it. In failing to do this, the CoCs also failed to reach newly radicalised forces, especially the youth.
Among the first things that could have been done would have been to launch a new popular newspaper to give the new group a public face. Such a newspaper would have had to reflect the different political views inside the CoC, but such openness would have made it very attractive given the number of questions in the aftermath of the collapse of "actually existing socialism".
While the CoCs were not particularly active as organisations (the frequency of the meetings and the level of internal political life was very uneven in different chapters) CoC members continued to be involved in the movements and struggles they were before.
Nationally, the CoC published the Corresponder, Dialog and Initiative, bulletins which canvassed the wide range of views in the membership and leadership. This discussion revealed that there were differences over what kind of organisation the CoC should be, or if it should be an organisation at all.
Given these disagreements, it is not surprising that there was no common will to establish a CoC newspaper, or even a broader newspaper with other forces. It is against this background that the founding convention should be seen.
First of all, the CoC was established as an organisation, with a democratically elected leadership and rules permitting multiple views and tendencies. The new leadership contains more people from outside the ex-CP than the interim leadership did. It was clear that there was a sizeable chunk of independents among the 500 or so participants. Delegates represented some 1600 paid-up members nationally and individual members were also allowed voice and vote (although with less weight than the delegates').
A broad statement against capitalism and for socialism and democracy was adopted. It was around this document that the sharpest political discussion developed, concerning what stance the CoC should take towards the Democratic Party. There were two poles: one which opposed the Democrats outright and proposed going in the direction of independent political action; the other proposed to make work inside the Democrats its central focus. In between, were those who proposed doing both arguing that work inside the Democrats would help to split it.
Finally, a motion was passed, almost unanimously, that the goal of the CoC is to work toward the formation of a mass party of the working people and the oppressed. But it was clear that while different tactical views are legitimate within the CoC, members will carry out in practice the orientation they feel most comfortable with.
The debate on the Democrats clearly expressed that the CoC is a multi-tendency formation that does not impose discipline around a single "line". It also shows that we can hold very sharp differences and engage in different practice on fundamental questions, but are open to continuing the discussion.
A big problem the CoC has is the age of its membership. One section is no longer able to be as active; after long years of dedicated struggle these people have now basically retired. Like most organisations on the left, the generation that radicalised in the 1960s and early 1970s comprises a large section of the active cadres, and they too are aging.
A most surprising and welcome development at the convention was a "youth revolt". About 60 young participants, who had held a workshop and made plans to bring their proposals to the convention, stood in line before the floor microphones (to make sure they would be heard) and proposed that eight youth members be elected to the national leadership body. They also proposed that the CoC help them to organise a national youth conference next year.
These proposals were greeted with cheers and unanimous agreement. Socialist youth groups cannot be built by the older generation, no matter how well-meaning. Youth must organise youth and that requires young people with the willingness to lead the process. Another plus is that many of the young people expressing this willingness to lead are people of colour.
The Action Program adopted by the convention did not project any campaigns by the CoC or provide a strategy for CoC members active in the various mass movements. It listed those areas of activity in which members are already involved. This reflected the reality of the CoC at present: it is a federation of tendencies which are free to carry out their own projects and interventions, while maintaining sisterly relations and a commitment to continue discussion and exchange experiences. In the workshops, such as the one on women's liberation, members were able to hold good discussions on their work in various mass movement areas.
Nearly 1,000 people attended a rally on July 23 which was addressed by Charles Nqakula, General Secretary of the South African Communist Party, Dulce Maria Pereira, an elected alternate Senator from the Workers Party of Brazil and Andre Brie from the German Party of Democratic Socialism. Angela Davis spoke for the CoC.
The CPUSA waged a public campaign to try to keep Nqakula from speaking. It failed.
Throughout the convention and rally, the need to defend revolutionary Cuba and break the US blockade was given enthusiastic affirmation. Another expression of internationalism was the positive reception accorded Links, a new magazine of socialist renewal and exchange of opinions internationally. A representative of the Democratic Socialist Party of Australia, which initiated Links, also gave greetings to the convention. CoC leaders Carl Bloice, Peter Camejo and Malik Miah are on the Links editorial board for the US.
The founding convention of the CoC elected five national co-chairs who are to be the main public representatives of the group. They are outgoing co-chairs Manning Marable, Charlene Mitchell and Rafael Pizarro of New York; Leslie Cagan of New York and Sushawn Robb of Northern California.
The Convention also elected an initial group of 15 at-large members for a National Coordinating Committee (NCC), the highest decision-making body between CoC conventions. The full NCC — to total some 60 members — will also include the five co-chairs, additional at-large members chosen through a mail ballot of the membership, representatives chosen by different regions and activists co-opted onto the body to ensure breadth and diversity.
The 15 NCC members elected at the Convention were Frances M. Beal (N. Calif.), Carl Bloice (N. Calif.), Peter Camejo (N. Calif.), Barry Cohen (N.Y.C.), Carl Davidson (Chicago), Myrna Fichtenbaum (Missouri), Pat Fry (N.Y.C.), Arthur Kinoy (N.J.), Malik Miah (N. Calif.), Sandy Patrinos (Chicago), Eric Quezada (N. Calif.), Rahi Reddy (N.Y. Upstate), Jay Schaffner (N.Y.C.) and Mildred Williamson (Chicago).
Finally, in adopting a resolution proposed by the Youth Caucus, the Convention added the following youth to the NCC: Malvene Collins (Chicago), Anand Deoshar (Indiana), Olivia Insania (Pittsburg), Amy Menzer (Delaware Valley), Gillian Miller (N.Y.C.), Nathan Newman (N. Calif.), Manning Salazar (Florida) and Wade Alan Semeliss (Oregon). Of the 28 people elected, six are African American, six Latino, two Asian and 14 are women.