People power is key to our future

October 21, 2011
Issue 
Peter Boyle.
Peter Boyle. Photo by Jill Hickson/Art Resistance.

Socialist Alliance national convenor Peter Boyle gave the speech below at the recent Climate Change Social Change activist conference, held in Melbourne over September 30 to October 3.

* * *

The idea of this session follows on from something Ian Angus mentioned this morning, where he said there are two things we should be going for in building a revolutionary ecosocialist movement — a movement to transform this society in a fundamental way.

He said we have to respect the best possible science and we have to learn from experience. I thought this was quite a profound statement because it sums up a non-dogmatic, practical and collaborative approach to building the kind of organisations and alliances that are necessary to transform society.

We hoped this session would be part of the sharing. Of course, the whole conference is this sharing — a sharing of experiences between representatives of a number of projects to build such a movement for change in a number of countries.

Groups that have been working together, collaborating, sharing experiences and staying in touch over a number of years. So it’s an ongoing conversation that we want to have in front of everybody and with the participation of everybody here.

One of the people on the panel, Arul from Malaysia, in his workshop earlier in the conference mentioned the famous four preconditions for a revolutionary situation that Lenin once brought up.

He said society has to be in a deep crisis. There has to be a widespread sense of helplessness and frustration with things.

Second, the working class has to be clear that it can’t stand going on in this way.

For the third [precondition], he says the ruling class can’t carry on in the same way, is beginning to lose confidence, and beginning to turn against each other: to quarrel and to split.

And fourth, we need the existence of a revolutionary party. And Arul said we don’t have one yet.

I thought that was a critical observation because I think if we’re all honest that’s what we’ve got to say. That’s got to be a starting point for an honest evaluation of where to go and what we’ve done to date.

This is a project that is in process. What we have gathered here today is a very small part of that process. Certainly, that’s the way I see it as someone from the Socialist Alliance. That’s how we see ourselves: we are just part of an ongoing process, very early in the piece, to build such an organisation.

Our whole concept, as it has come to today, if founded a very strong consensus around three points.

1. That a real transformation of society cannot possible be done by a small group of self-appointed “revolutionaries”.

2. It has to be based on a movement of the working class, broadly understood: the working people. It has to be grounded in the labour movement. Fundamental change is going to remain just a good idea if it doesn’t become transformed from an ideology into an actual movement, a mass movement of the labouring classes.

3. The process in which this develops is complicated. It’s full of unpredictable things. The path of uniting the necessary forces required to transform society and to concentrate and demonstrate real leadership in the working class is a complicated process.

So how are we going? I think the project in Australia, broadly conceived, has been shaped by two very important factors over the past period.

First, there was the change in government in 2007, when the Labor Party defeated the previous Howard Liberal-National government. In a sense it brought to an end quite a tremendous fight by the working class against Work Choices and anti-union laws, but also more generally against the whole of Howard’s attacks on social justice.

It was brought to an end in a sad way, because they successfully put the labour movement into a much more contained space. We’ve had to live with that and that’s one of the conditions we face in trying to build an alternative movement, a movement for real change.

I think it was essential that we did everything possible to build that struggle against the Howard government. It was critical to build the broad alliance of militants and progressives to win that fight. And if we hadn’t done it we’d be in a worse position today.

In the period since then, we’ve been searching for ways to try to keep alive some of those links, albeit in a context where there is no way that we can shake the awful domination and pull of the Labor government upon the labour movement.

People's Power and Winning the Battle for a Future from Jill Hickson.

The second major thing that has conditioned the development of building an alternative has been the rise of the Greens. We see this as part of the process, because the Greens in this country are the most significant political break away from the two party system.

The Greens are a mixed group: there is a right and a left. But generally, I would say the Australian Greens have taken quite strong left positions. It really does raise the question for anyone who is serious about building an alternative movement: should we not be in the Greens? Why have a separate organisation? And if you don’t think like that I don’t think you are thinking seriously about how to move forward.

For a number of reasons, the Socialist Alliance is not in the Greens and we constantly have to evaluate if this is a good or a bad thing.

It ties into how we see the future of a thing like the Socialist Alliance. It’s a thing that has taken us a certain distance and right now it serves to do a lot of work and gather togther a significant number of people who can pull off quite a few things.

But we have to see that the challenge of left unity is largely something ahead of us. In a modest way in which some unity has been achieved together in the Socialist Alliance, we’ve learned some very, very important lessons.

The thing that held us through this difficuly process though has been a commitment to do a number of things.

One, to remain engaged in the struggle. Second, to keep educating. Third, to constantly keep looking outwards: to reach out to every possible opportunity to unite and work with others. Complete agreement is not necessary to move forward.

New forms of organisation will come up in the future. And we have to be prepared to embrace them.

A newspaper article just a day ago said 78% of people here are completely satisfied with what they have got. It actually breaks down to 43% who are delighted and 34% who are mostly satisfied.

But the same survey by the Australian Bureau of Statistics also found that that over the past year there were 520,000 homeless people over the age of 18.

The same survey found one third of people are having difficulty getting access to doctors and telecommunications.

We are used to this asymmetric struggle in this country. But we also do know enough to predict that things are not always going to remain the same, even a country where 78% of people are supposedly satisfied.

Climate change will put and end to that. Economic crisis, which Australia seems temporarily insulted from, is just around the corner and nobody can safely predict that it won’t impact soon. Certainly the markets are not confident about this and are making this known.

All of these things will impact on a number of critical factors that are now shaping politics in this country. The refugee question will grow in scale. Attacks on the working class are starting up again.

So we will continue the project: we can’t predict any more. But we work with the confidence that we are not forever going to be in this position of relative stability for Australian capitalism. We are going into a period of turbulence. This is not the country of the permanent exception. And frankly, I look forward to that.

Comments

Where do you start with this? If I was looking for guidance or inspiration from SA I would not be impressed by this impressionistic pondering. - The Malaysian comrade is right: there is no revolutionary party (but there is no crisis, not in Australia). But wouldn't create a propaganda group in the mean time to explain the need for such a party. there was one called the DSP and you dissolved it. - The big upsurge you speak of re Workchoices declined by the end of 2006. look at the strike statistics. This did not create the basis for SA to grow. - Yes the Greens have captured the protests sentiment but what do you do about? You can join them (what seems to be hinted at here) or do you explain the need for a revolutionary party. Either way where exactly does SA fit? -There is no point in denying that an economic boom exists in Australia. Yes it is very unequally distributed, but this combined with various historical factors accounts for Australians high levels of self-reported wellbeing. It also why Australia is no 2 in the UNDP's human development index (after Norway: another resource economy). - In such a context the people you claim SA is "linking up with" are going to remain a very narrow layer. Clearly the prospects for this "thing" is one of decline. - You say the "markets" (presumably financial) are concerned about a crisis. Yes it is possible that the double dip recession may have impacts on Australia, but its hard to say. There is more chance it won't or will have little immediate impact on the pace of political struggle. So what do you do? Join the Greens or re-establish a clearly defined Marxist and revolutionary organisation that primarily propagandises in preparation for future struggles? Promote big struggles as they are occurring abroad? Oh no that's right: that would be "sectarian". Let me know when return to planet Earth.
You summed up your preferred approach as "establish a clearly defined Marxist and revolutionary organisation that primarily propagandises in preparation for future struggles... Promote big struggles as they are occurring abroad?" Arul, the Malaysian comrade, called that an excuse for abstentionism. "Those who abstain are always wrong, Old Arab Saying," he added, with a grin. You cannot build any serious socialist organisation around that narrow formula in any country, and you have probably already proved that in practice. Socialists need to embed their party building project within the labour movement of the country they are in whatever the political level of struggle otherwise the project does turn sectarian, as James P. Cannon and others have observed. “The conscious socialists should act as a ‘leaven’ in the instinctive and spontaneous movement of the working class. … The leaven can help the dough to rise and eventually become a loaf of bread, but it can never be a loaf of bread itself. … Every tendency, direct or indirect, of a small revolutionary party to construct a world of its own, outside and apart from the real movement of the workers in the class struggle, is sectarian.” The more groups like this separate themselves from engaging in the actual struggle the more they have to build convert their few followers into miserable addicts to "inspirational" speeches and gospel-like "analyses" from their know-it-all leaders. Leon Trotsky warned his followers (largely in vain) of the danger of retreating into the "circle spirit": "The period of existence as a Marxist circle invariably grafts habits of an abstract approach to the problems of the workers’ movement. He who is unable to step in time over the confines of this circumscribed existence becomes transformed into a conservative sectarian. The sectarian looks upon the life of society as a great school, with himself as a teacher there. In his opinion, the working class should put aside its less important matters, and assemble in solid rank around his rostrum. Then the task would be solved." This is a well-labelled political toxin and it is very sad to see politically educated socialists knock them back like tequilas! Anyway, with the new waves of radicalism sweeping from Tahrir Square to Wall Street Occupation and the thousands of other actions, I think it is your gloomy pessimism that is out of sync with reality. It is you who need to return to planet Earth - if it is not too late already. Peter Boyle
Calling your group Revolutionary Marxists etc might make you feel good on the inside, but using exclusive language like that it will only reinforce the dynamic of decline in interest in left politics. "revolutionary" in particular needs so much qualification as to what one means by it, that it's a wasted adjective. Being a Marxist is fine. But if that just means you make a lot of important speechifying, you will attract people who like listening to speeches, as Peter says. If it means you want to be involved in what struggles there are, at whatever level they are, then you will find yourself working with the people who actually want to struggle against injustice. But I think to pick up one of Peter's points in his comment below: we shouldn't reduce our involvement to "the labour movement" (although that term would have made much more sense when Cannon was writing). I liked John Bellamy Foster's term "the ecological proletariat". I think he explained it to mean the working class in all it's relations, not only in it's workplace relations. Being mostly involved in environmental mobilisations, I can't see how this is somehow less "working class" than any other issue. If we are willing to join all the real struggles for a better world, we will join in the ecological struggles, the indigenous people's struggles, and so on. These are real live issues with people suffering and irreversible damage being done. They need our actions, now. If you feel you have to retreat to literary activism, to "primarily propagandise in preparation for future struggles" and "Promote big struggles as they are occurring abroad" then terms like "revolutionary" and "direct action" just become hollow and meaningless rhetoric. A travesty that discredits Marxism. BCC
When I refer to "labour movement" I mean it in the broader sense of the movement/s of the majority of us who are now forced to sell our labour to the capitalists and not just trade union struggles around wages and conditions of their members. Language is important, I agree (though I am not sure if "eco proletariat" is really going to take off). These days it is more common to speak of campaigns, community struggles and trade union struggles, however, for quite a lot of the last century the labour movement encompassed a much wider range of struggles than simply that of workers' wages and conditions. This reflected both the reality of the sharply clashing interests between what is now popularly referred to as the "1% and the 99%" as well as the political role of socialists in the movement in movement, who as Lenin urged in What Is To Be Done, should take up all oppressions in order to expose the capitalist system in all its aspects. Socialists should fight to break the trade unions away from a narrow focus as well as win the activists involved in the various "community" campaigns into greater awareness of the class conflict at the heart of the issues they are fighting on. In that sense, our struggle can be described as one of building a strong labour movement that is increasingly conscious of its broadest interests, including its interest in confronting critical issues such as climate change. Following the 1960s youth radicalisation in the West, a number of academics and others floated the idea that the old working-class-focused movements had become obsolete as agents for radical change and that the "new social movements" displaced them as the agents of change. I think history has not vindicated that analysis (despite the real retreats and defeats of the trade unions over the decades of capitalist neo-liberal offensive). The "new social movements" subsided and became largely movements for limited reform rather than system change. The "Occupy" movement is an expression of a new (or perhaps resumed) rebellion against the capitalist neo-liberal offensive even in the richest (and imperialist) countries and the political opportunity here is to draw the trade union movement and the community campaigns into the new movement, raising the level of political consciousness and renewing their organisation and political leaderships. The "Occupy" movement has "changed the conversation" to that of class - this in turn being an expression of the capitalist neo-liberal offensive giving the world an extended painful lesson in which class rules! This is an opening for what could be described as a much-needed renewal of the labour movement. But serious socialists have to be in there helping take the new movement forward, not preaching from the sidelines and pointing to "more inspiring" big struggles overseas.
C'mon, don't be like that, I was about to announce the formation of the Eco-proletarian Party of the Sustainable Socialist Revolution! ;) No disagreement, except that "labour movement" has come to have a rather narrow popular definition in these days, maybe following on from the 1960s academic trend you mention... maybe we should still use it, there's little by way of an alternative term.

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