MARK NEWHOUSE, ANC (WA) Youth and Student Representative, spoke to a Green Left Weekly forum in Perth on October 28 on the struggle for democracy in South Africa. His talk is presented here slightly abridged.
A recent national meeting of anti-apartheid groups in Sydney reached agreement on the need to launch a "South Africa Peace and Democracy Now Campaign!". The campaign is to give expression to the demand for an end to violence and to reinforce the urgency of meaningful negotiations which will lead to measures needed to achieve democracy through an elected, sovereign, constituent assembly, without delay.
A just solution to the problem is for the regime to meet the 14 demands placed before it by the ANC on June 23, 1992. The demands are:
1. The creation of a democratically elected and sovereign Constituent Assembly to draft and adopt a new constitution.
2. The establishment of an interim government of national unity, which is the only way all South Africans will recognise that the country shall have moved decisively to end white minority rule.
3. Terminate all covert operations, including hit squad activities.
4. Disarm, disband and confine to barracks all special forces and detachments made up of foreign nationals.
5. Suspend and prosecute all officers and security force personnel involved in the violence.
6. Ensure that all repression in the self-governing states and so-called independent states is ended.
7. The immediate implementation of the program to phase out the hostels and convert them into family unit accommodation.
8. Installation of fences around these establishments.
9. Guarding of these hostels by security forces on a permanent basis, monitored by multilateral peace structures, and the expulsion of those who occupy the hostels illegally.
10. Regular searches of hostels with the participation of multilateral peace structures.
11. Banning the carrying of all dangerous weapons in public on all occasions, including so-called cultural weapons.
12. The establishment of an International Commission of inquiry into the Boipatong Massacre and all acts of violence as well as international monitoring of the violence.
13. Release all political prisoners immediately.
14. Repeal all repressive legislation, including those laws which were so hastily passed during the last days of the recent session of parliament.
These demands have wide endorsement across the political spectrum. Failure to address them indicates a clear lack of seriousness on the part of de Klerk's government about both negotiations and the need to address the grave crisis facing our country.
The regime's identification of mass action as an obstacle to negotiations is ludicrous in the extreme. This reinforces the conviction that the campaign of violence is aimed at preventing our people from engaging in legitimate protest to give voice to our grievances.
When de Klerk so dangerously engineered the deadlock at CODESA, the intention was to provoke mass action from the democratic movement and then blame such actions as the cause of escalating violence. This reckless gamble has not paid off, nor can it be allowed to!
The ultimate responsibility for the continued violence lies squarely with the regime. The Waddington Report on Boipatong and the Goldstone Commission reports have all underlined the lawlessness of the police and the failure of the regime to take serious steps to control its security forces.
State-sponsored violence
The strategy of state-sponsored violence is still in place as evidenced by the heightened tensions resulting from the massive police and army deployment in the townships on the eve of the stayaway strike of August 3. The call up of the army on the eve of the June 16 commemorations (South African Youth Day), and the ensuing Boipatong Massacre demonstrate the regime's commitment to the strategy of destabilisation through the use of violence.
Likewise, the ANC, SACP and COSATU alliance, which marched peacefully on the so-called capital of the Ciskei bantustan on September 7 in order to ensure freedom of political activity in the Ciskei, was met with a hail of bullets. In this instance, the
South African regime deployed troops and arms to reinforce Ciskeian troops.
The ANC is seriously concerned with the lack of free political activity and the brutal repression in many parts of the country. The actions of administrators in Ciskei, Kwa-Zulu, Bophuthatswana and other areas are in direct conflict with the provisions of the National Peace Accord, the Goldstone Commission and the recommendations of international experts on policing and mass protest.
During the weeks since the Bisho massacre, Ciskeian Defence Force members have continued to be supported by the South African Defence Force and have continued their reign of terror against the residents of Ciskei. Reports of intimidation and assault are received on a daily basis. Mass action is one of the only ways to highlight the repression which our people are being subjected to.
The removal of obstacles to free political activity is crucial in preparation for free and fair elections. Pressure must be maintained and intensified both internally and internationally.
Summit
The September 28 summit between the regime and the ANC, led by Comrade Mandela, has resulted in the regime making a commitment to the removal of three major obstacles, namely:
- the fencing off of hostels, which have been the source of violence, and the installation of security measures;
- the banning of dangerous weapons and so-called cultural weapons;
- the release of all remaining political prisoners.
There is no connection between the Further Indemnity Bill [the regime's amnesty bill] and the record of understanding that was reached by the ANC and the government during the September 28 summit. De Klerk has acknowledged that he has the power to implement the agreements reached in the accord. No further legislation is necessary!
We in the ANC believe that De Klerk's desperate attempts to force the Further Indemnity Bill through parliament are an indication of the seriousness of the crimes he is trying to prevent becoming known. The deeds committed in defence of apartheid cannot simply be covered up!
For the sake of healing the terrible wounds against our people
and for national reconciliation, there must be public acknowledgment of the crimes committed!
Mobilisation
The anti-apartheid movement worldwide has greatly assisted in creating an extensive constituency that has compelled governments to place the issue of apartheid on their political agendas. This constituency has also served as an important source of material assistance.
One of the major challenges facing the ANC is the task of raising 200 million rands for the election campaign. This takes into account that the majority of people in South Africa have never voted and a mass education campaign will have to take place.
During the period of transition from apartheid to democracy, the role of the international anti-apartheid movement will continue to be critical in strengthening the democratic forces in South Africa. In this regard, the anti-apartheid movement has the task of sensitising the international community towards its obligation towards the people of South Africa as they effect the transformation which will result in the upholding of the objectives contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Charter of the United Nations.
Furthermore, the world (including Australian) anti-apartheid movement should prepare adequately for an important post- apartheid role. Such a role is dictated by the enormous socioeconomic inequalities that will remain the legacy of apartheid and that cannot be addressed by a mere removal of apartheid from the statute books.
In February 1993 there will be a conference of the international anti-apartheid movement in South Africa to address these issues. I hope that comrades present today will keep this conference in mind and think about sending a delegate or two.