The struggle for peace in Ireland

Sinn Fein national executive member, DODIE MCGUINNESS, is currently in Australia. She spoke to Green Left Weekly correspondent and Australian Aid for Ireland member, Sean Magill. This is the second part of her interview. Question: At the time of the cease fire, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams said the armed struggle was over. What did he mean by that and how effective is unarmed struggle? We have people elected at local government level. We deal with the social and economic deprivation within all our local communities. Part of the bonus of the "peace" is that we have been promised money from Europe, Australia and America, which is supposed to be targeted at areas of greatest need. On the ground, we are still protesting about house raids, about watchtowers in our communities, about border checkpoints (where they removed the bollards and the ramps but they haven't removed the checkpoints). We still have armed soldiers on the streets particularly in and around the rural communities Armagh, Fermanagh and South Tyrone. British forces, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the Royal Irish Rangers (RIR) and the British army are guilty of killing 750 civilians. Only two soldiers have ever been charged and they went through their own court system and after receiving life sentences were released after two years. These are the contradictions between what the British government says, and what it does. Question: Has there been any changes to the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) or the Emergency Powers Act (EPA)? They are still in place. These acts permit house raids, seven-day detention, stop and search in the street. For instance, they can stop me in the street and say, "What's your name?" and though they know my name, as I have a public profile, if I don't answer, I could end up in the barracks. We have been living for the last 75 years with special legislation and there is no sign of that changing. The two orders were renewed in March, nine months into the cease fire. The EPA prevents people travelling to England. There are exclusion orders on about 80 people still standing. Some of them are members of Sinn Fein, some are not. I believe they have a legal challenge. First, they have to get legal aid and take it through the local court. Then it goes to the High Court before they can take it to Europe. Question: The European Court of Human Rights recently ruled against the British government in the case of three unarmed Irish Republican Army (IRA) volunteers gunned down in Gibraltar in 1987. Can you comment on that? I was delighted for the relatives because I think they won a very big moral victory for themselves and for the community. I think it's the fourteenth time the British have been found guilty. They are one of the signatories to the European Convention on Human Rights but every time [the European court] finds against them, they totally ignore it. They have been found guilty on a whole lot of different issues, including seven-day detention, and for preventing people from using Irish language on prison visits. Question: Are the Diplock courts (one judge, no jury) still in operation? Very much so. They have been handing out sentences willy nilly. At a public demonstration last May against John Major visiting Derry, we had 31 people taken to court because they were involved in this protest which started peacefully until the RUC came and manhandled and beat people. Mary Nellis, one of our elected councillors, was kicked to the ground. Barney McFadden, a man of 72 and one of our oldest members, ended up in hospital after being savagely kicked by the RUC. They viciously created a situation where we ended up with a riot, three hours after the peaceful protest started. So people are now going through the court system because they were out on a peaceful protest. Some of them may end up doing a six-month jail sentence. The police force that we have is 97% from a Protestant/unionist/loyalist background. They have been found guilty of collusion, of beatings in Castlereagh, of wrecking peoples homes when raiding them. They are not a service or a police force that our communities would feel comfortable with. We're arguing that the RUC needs to be disbanded. Reform doesn't remove the bad apples from within that structure. There should be a new service that's acceptable to the community. Question: What is Sinn Fein's position on drugs? Our main problem is with drugs such as ecstasy, speed and heroin. The people who have been providing these have been British army soldiers. The loyalist paramilitary groupings have also used them to raise money. They have been allowed by the RUC to operate openly. I can speak from experience in Derry where I have seen people dealing in ecstasy tablets in the middle of town, and the RUC sitting in cars beside them and not challenging them. The media were saying that the IRA was involved, but I wouldn't be part of a movement that was dealing in drugs. I believe they ruin a community. The RUC were using the drugs to infiltrate the community, and getting young people to be informers. Since the cease fire, the IRA and the loyalist paramilitaries are not functioning the way they were, and the drug network has spread. The community is demanding action — but not from the RUC. They don't want their children buying drugs. Our reaction won't deal with the problem in the long term. We need facilitators and educators who understand the problem. The police are no solution, so what we're doing is encouraging people to picket the houses of drug dealers and tell them to leave. The housing executive will provide them with accommodation elsewhere. Question: What's the position with the political prisoners now? There are 600 republican prisoners. The British have reintroduced legislation that they took away in 1987 and 1989. There was a 50% remission and all they've done is reintroduce some laws. It's just a public relations exercise by the British government. People were looking for something like the Irish government's phased releases, which says to people who have three years left to do: "we will release you on a license from the system but if you offend again, we will bring you back". We think that would have shown that the British government was serious about the peace process. After an escape from Whitemoor prison last year, the British government set up Special Secure Units (SSUs). The prisoners there have gone on a no-wash protest. The authorities are insisting that the prisoners conform to rules and regulations that they have never had to before. The prisoners had fought hard and won a status for themselves, and for other prisoners which the British are now whittling away. There is a prisoner from Dublin in England who has cancer. He had his treatment while chained to a bed, and now he has been moved to an SSU. He has begun a no-wash protest while he is still getting treatment for cancer. They have closed down his visits. Question: Do you think the British Labour Party would make a difference if it was in power? On the question of Ireland they stand tucked in behind the Conservative government. They have not been progressive, pro-active or confrontational with the Conservative government, which we are arguing they should be. Our contacts within the Labour Party believe that they would be strong contenders to win the next Westminster election. They seem to be playing to a very weak and conservative middle ground. They are trying to win the floating voter and they're actually damaging their own structures and party strength. If there was an election three months ago, Labour would have won. Now their own elected MPs are questioning whether they can win. The influence of Tony Benn and other progressives within the party is limited. Leader Tony Blair has neutralised a whole lot of what they have had in the past. Question: What sort of response do Sinn Fein councillors get at public meetings in England? Very good. Public meetings pull in around 200 people. All the left-wing groups, who are supportive of the Irish question, have been there throughout the years. Now the public support is growing steadily. We have targeted elected councillors and MPs, and we have been sending people over to build contacts and create a network.