FIJI: Why the military turned on Speight
Following the arrest of coup leader George Speight and more than 360 of his supporters by the Fiji military on July 26, many mainstream observers are claiming that "normalcy" is returning in Fiji. However, while the unpredictable Speight may have been brought under control, the military-backed interim government has no intention of restoring the democratically elected, multiracial Fiji Labour Party (FLP) government.
Interim "Prime Minister" Laisenia Qarase's claim that no section of Fijian society will be disenfranchised is plainly ludicrous: he has announced that elections probably will not be held for three years; a new constitution that enshrines Melanesian-Fijian political domination will be in place within 18 months; and only one token Indian Fijian has been included in the new cabinet.
Clearly, regardless of the intra-elite power struggles that surrounded the power grab by Speight on May 19, the common goal was the restoration of a political system that entrenches the rule of the small, privileged Melanesian-Fijian hierarchy. Speight's demands for the reimposition of a constitution biased against Indian Fijians and the removal of the FLP-led People's Coalition government was immediately agreed to.
On May 26, the Great Council of Chiefs negotiated a settlement with the terrorists which met Speight's demands and offered amnesty to the rebels. Once the military declared martial law on May 29, the negotiations concentrated on the construction of an interim government dominated by the Melanesian-Fijian elite and business figures. The 1997 constitution and the FLP-led government of Mahendra Chaudhry was already consigned to the history books as far as the elite was concerned.
Differing reports indicate that as many as five supporters of Speight were to be included in the cabinet, including the right-wing Taukei leader, Apisai Tora, as minister for agriculture, fisheries and forests.
Stability
The use of Melanesian chauvinism to destabilise the FLP-led government began soon after its election in May last year. The expected victory of the conservative Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei (SVT) party, led by Sitiveni Rabuka, leader of the 1987 coups, did not eventuate.
The trade union-backed FLP — which won support from Fiji's workers regardless of their racial origins — was seen as a threat by the Melanesian-Fijian chiefly elite, as well as its local and international capitalist allies. The elite has long relied on maintaining racial divisions between the predominantly poor Indian-Fijian farmers and workers and Melanesian-Fijian commoners in a classic divide and rule strategy borrowed from Fiji's British colonisers.
Speight's arrest was the result of his stubborn refusal to compromise with the elite and of his threats to cause further unrest if his demands for more of his supporters to be included in the cabinet were not met.
Behind the harshness of the military's move against Speight and his supporters was the Fiji's rulers' fear that the support Speight was commanding from the growing number of poor Melanesian Fijians and unemployed youth may also destabilise the rule and authority of the chiefs.
Western governments also let it be known to the Fijian military and elite that Speight's continued chauvinist agitation was unacceptable and his inclusion in a Fijian government would be beyond the pale. The message between the lines was that the demise of the Chaudhry government would be accepted (with some public huffing and puffing) as long as "stability" was quickly restored. The West, especially Australia, did not want its considerable investments and trade relationship put at risk by an escalating racial conflict.
Military spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Filipo Taralinikini said on July 27, "We cannot allow people of a criminal tendency to use the cause of the indigenous Fijians for their own selfish ends. We will ensure the country's return to normalcy as quickly as possible."
On August 8, Major Howard Politini added, "Some of the local leadership who had been taking advantage of the unstable situation to press their cause are starting to realise they are going to get nowhere".
Democracy
On July 31, the Melbourne Age reported that chiefs from western provinces of the main Fiji island of Viti Levu were considering establishing a separate state ruled by a democratic government elected on the basis of the annulled 1997 constitution.
The Labour Party's main support base is in the west of Viti Levu and it is where the People's Coalition has decided to conduct its campaign to be restored as the country's legitimate government. Military officials have warned that any such attempt would be "illegal".
The Australian government formally opposed Speight's terrorist action but refused to exert meaningful pressure to have Fiji's elected government returned to power. At each stage of the crisis, Canberra has merely threatened to impose the sanctions asked for by Fiji's trade union and democracy movement.
Prime Minister John Howard hailed the military's arrest of Speight and his supporters. Foreign affairs minister Alexander Downer said on July 27 that he was delighted at Speight's arrest and praised the Fiji military's decision "to get tough with Mr Speight". Downer was pleased that Speight's nominees would be dropped from the government.
The New Zealand Labour government was also supportive of the Fiji military's decisive action. Foreign minister Phil Goff urged the military to assert its authority quickly to avert widespread conflict.
These statements were designed to signal to the Fijian military that the Pacific's two resident imperialist powers had endorsed its rule over the country as long as "stability" was restored.
Australian elite's view
While Howard expressed empathy for Chaudhry when they met in Australia last week, the Australian government has refused to challenge the military backed interim administration's implementation of the coup plotters' key demands.
The Sydney Morning Herald editorial on August 2 summed up the Australian ruling class's view: "Too much has happened for Mr Chaudhry's government simply to be reinstated, even though that is strictly what should happen. Until order is fully restored there are limits to what can be achieved. The pace of events is very much in the hands of the Fijian military and will remain there even when the interim government begins to function."
After all, Australian governments and the capitalist class they represent have had a long and friendly relationship with Fiji's chiefly elite and its military guardians. Canberra knows that Australian big business has at least $600 million worth of direct investments in Fiji and it has long relied on Fiji's ruling elite and military to protect those investments.
The overriding goal of the Australian government's opposition to Speight's coup was never to secure the return of Fiji's elected government but to ensure that the power of the chiefly elite remained intact.
BY MARK ABBERTON